Justpeace Blog

scmp - Friday, September 30, 2005


AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE in Lam Mai
Updated at 1.08pm:
Phattana Islam Wittaya school, funded by the community and Harrod’s owner Mohamed al-Fayed, seems a far cry from the militant training base that critics in Bangkok accuse Islamic schools of being.

One staffer at the school in Yala province’s Lam Mai village wears a Fulham Football Club shirt, while behind him looms a school building bearing name of the club’s owner, al-Fayed.

Inside, principal Mayudin Samae, in charge of this 45-year-old school for 20 years, wears blue trousers and checked shirt, sporting trimmed salt and pepper hair and a neat grey goatee beard.

Mr Al-Fayed has helped build offices and classrooms, as well as several single-sex dormitories, while the Thai government also provides money because it is registered with Bangkok, Mr Samae says.

Wichai Chaichitwanitchakul, a parliamentarian with the ruling Thai Rak Thai party, has repeatedly called for boarding schools, or known locally as pondoks or ponohs, to be shut down, claiming they breed militants and griping that students don’t learn Thai.

“The men who talk like that, they don’t know the truth, they rely on second-hand information,” Mr Samae says.

“Pondoks are good for the community as they teach students to be good people.”

Schools are on the frontline of the conflict that has claimed more than 950 lives in the Muslim-majority provinces of Thailand’s south since January 2004.

Teachers are frequent targets of the near-daily shootings, bombings and arson attacks in the region, but also are in the middle of a political tug-of-war.

Shadowy groups of militants often attack public schools, seen as a symbol of Bangkok’s attempts to impose Thai culture on a region that was an independent sultanate until a century ago.

But politicians like Mr Wichai attack Islamic schools as terrorist training grounds and want them closed.

Education Minister Chaturon Chaisang has resisted such calls, saying the government had no plan to shut the schools.

Students at Mr Samae’s school learn four languages: Arabic during morning prayers and studying the Koran; the local Yawi dialect for history; Thai for mathematics, sciences and social studies; and English as a foreign language.

The school gives its 1,450 students — 800 of them boys — internet access, and Mr Samae says he wants to buy more computers and headsets for English instruction.

The students have also had to learn to face the violence.

Two teachers, both Muslims, have been shot dead on their way to work since May, Mr Samae says. Like many of the dead, police believe they were seemingly random victims of drive-by shootings by militants out to sew fear in the population.

“We’ll keep going ... it’s our duty to teach the students,” Mr Samae says.

Asked if any students were scared, the softly-spoken principal replied: ”They get used to it.”

Unlike at public schools in the region, teachers here have no armed escorts to and from class, he says.

“I have told all of my teachers they have to be patient in order to make good deeds, because when you make good deeds, it makes you happy,” Mr Samae says.

For the 285 students at Ban Taseh school in Yala town, about 10 kilometre away, the day starts at 4am for prayers, followed by reading the Koran and breakfast at 7am.

Largely from Yala, the students, including 185 girls, are aged from 14 to 21 and all board in single-sex dormitories.

Aside from religious studies, boys learn electronics and mechanics, while girls have sewing classes. Students also play badminton, football and volleyball.

Students live in dormitories made of corrugated iron. “I love you” is spray painted in English outside one boy’s dorm.

“I’m happy to learn here, there’s lot of activities,” says 16-year-old Nuriham Borthor, sitting with her friends under a pomelo fruit tree.

“I’d like to know more about my religion.”

Hama Fula has run the school since it opened more than 50 years ago. He sits on a brown patterned carpet, behind him a large coloured poster photograph of a beach paradise of palm trees and clear blue sea.

Outside, a military helicopter flies low overhead, puncturing the silence.

“Sometimes they interrupt, so when they come, we stop classes,” Hama says.

He shows seven Thai language text books on the carpet, and says his school receives government funding that replaced money raised from the community.

“This school is registered, it’s legal, so we use the Thai curriculum,” Hama says.

“People who do wrong, it’s individuals who do it, not stereotypes of Muslims and Islam,” he says, explaining why he doesn’t worry about his school being closed.

Beneath towering coconut palms in neighbouring Pattani province is the highest profile Islamic school shut down by the government.

The closure of Jihadi Wittaya Islamic school drew international attention when Thailand’s government claimed it had found ammunition, evidence of military training, secret documents concerning an independent Pattani state, and Al-Qaeda training CDs.

The family who runs the school has denied the charges.

A relative of the school’s former manager says soldiers still pass on patrol by the now empty school.

“Grandmother’s upset when she sees the soldiers, because she’s reminded of the bad things that happened, the soldiers coming here, shouting,” the young woman says from the doorway of her home.

The students left quickly after the soldiers came. In one dormitory, empty clothes hangers hang from naked light bulb wiring. On the floor lies raggedy old bedding — polyester quilts, blankets and pillows.

“It’s really quiet now the children are gone,” the young woman says.

scmp - Friday, September 23, 2005


AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE in Manila
The government expects to sign a peace treaty early next year with Muslim guerillas who have fought a decades-old separatist campaign in the south Mindanao region.

Manila has been observing a two-year ceasefire with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) while exploratory talks have been held in Malaysia.

The issue of how the Muslim minority can be compensated for communal land lost during nearly 400 years of Spanish colonial rule that ended when the Philippines was ceded to the United States after the Spanish-American war in 1898 is the last major hurdle in the negotiations.

Chief government negotiator Silvestre Afable said an agreement on this issue would probably be reached by December, followed by the final stage of the talks that would lay out the mechanics of "demobilisation, disarmament, and reintegration of combatants into the mainstream of society".

This final process "will take us most probably the early part of next year up to the middle part, in which we already expect to have a just, lasting comprehensive agreement by that time".

MILF spokesman Eid Kabalu welcomed the statement, saying it showed the government's sincerity, but cautioned against premature announcements.

"The talks are done in increments. The ancestral domain issue is the last strand that we have to settle, but we can't hastily make a conclusion that a peace deal will be signed by early next year," Mr Kabalu said.

The 12,000-member MILF began its armed campaign for a separate state in the southern region of the Philippines in 1978 after breaking away from the Moro National Liberation Front, which signed a peace treaty with Manila in 1996.

After that treaty, the Philippines created a Muslim self-rule area in the south called the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao.

scmp - Thursday, September 22, 2005


SIMON MONTLAKE
At its red-roofed office inside Banda Aceh's university campus, the international monitoring team tasked with overseeing Aceh's bid for peace is taking shape.

Fresh turf is being laid on the lawn and air-conditioning units installed for the monitors, who sport white polo shirts and matching baseball caps.

Staffed by 250 civilian and military officials from Europe and Southeast Asia, the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) is a bold attempt at peacemaking that hinges on both sides sticking to the rules laid down in last month's peace accord.

It marks the first time the European Union, which has run peacekeeping operations in the Balkans, has entered a conflict in Asia.

But unlike other EU missions, the operation in Aceh is unarmed and has no policing powers. Nor can it step in to broker negotiations between the two sides if the agreement breaks down, although it can arbitrate on specific disputes.

According to AMM officials, the early signs are positive.

Acehnese rebels are surrendering their weapons and Jakarta is pulling out its troops, leaving behind 14,700 Aceh-raised soldiers and 9,100 local police.

An accord signed on August 15 in Finland provides an amnesty to separatist rebels in return for laying down the 840 weapons it has declared, disbanding and accepting autonomy within Indonesia.

Concerns over possible ceasefire violations by the two sides, which have fought since 1976 to control the resource-rich province, have not materialised, say the AMM officials.

The last truce in Aceh collapsed in 2003 as both sides cried foul, and Indonesia responded by arresting rebel negotiators and declaring martial law. The return to fighting came despite the presence of a foreign monitoring team in Aceh.

Lieutenant-General Nipat Thonglek, deputy head of the AMM, says the two warring sides have learned from the past failure and are now much more eager to play their part.

"Trust must come first and foremost. It was difficult during the [2003 truce]. We have more trust now, and we've made a good start," said the Thai general.

The first tangible sign of progress for war-weary Acehnese came at last week's handover of 226 weapons by the Free Aceh Movement (GAM).

General Nipat said AMM's decommissioning team was busy arranging more weapon handovers as it works to meet the year-end deadline set in the August pact.

He praised GAM's political leaders and military commanders for keeping a tight rein on their troops.

"They are very disciplined, we have to admit that," he said.

What is less clear is the strength of anti-GAM fervour among nationalist self-defence groups in Aceh that are allegedly backed by Indonesia's army. GAM officials warn that military hawks opposed to peace could foment fighting to undo the ceasefire, giving Jakarta an excuse to crack down again.

Observers say that while these groups may not be a threat on the scale of the pro-Jakarta militia that terrorised East Timor in 1999, many are armed and need to be watched. General Nipat said the monitors have no power to compel such groups to surrender their weapons, adding that it was a problem for Jakarta to solve.

"Frankly speaking, there might be some of these armed groups ... and we must monitor them, and the government of Indonesia must do something. We consider them a social problem," he said.

The presence of international monitors in Aceh has already upset some nationalist politicians outside the province who bristle at any interference in Indonesia's affairs.

Independence-minded Acehnese, though, have long supported the presence of an international force, arguing that Indonesia's military cannot be trusted to oversee any peace deal.

Mohamad Nazar, a former political prisoner released last month, said the AMM must not be swayed by bumps in the road. "They've begun the process and they have to maintain it."

General Nipat said security forces were keeping their side of the bargain by withdrawing non-local troops.

scmp - Monday, September 19, 2005


AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE in New York
Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf held an unprecedented meeting on Saturday with leaders of the American Jewish Congress as part of his campaign to press for moderation in the Muslim world.

General Musharraf is the first leader of a Muslim nation which has no diplomatic relations with Israel to hold a public dialogue with Jewish leaders, officials of the Council for World Jewry said.

He was given a standing ovation as he stepped into the conference room for the meeting at a leading hotel in New York.

"I cannot imagine that a Muslim and ... a Pakistani and, more than that, a man in uniform would ever get such a warm reception and such an applause from the Jewish community," General Musharraf said, as he gave a military salute to the audience, which included Pakistani Americans.

Jack Rosen, the chairman of the American Jewish Congress, described the function as "an unprecedented evening". It resulted from two years of secret talks, culminating with a May meeting with General Musharraf in Islamabad.

Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayip Erdogan spoke before the congress in January last year but his nation already has diplomatic relations with Israel.

"President Musharraf's decision to be with us tonight is an act of individual courage, leadership and vision," said Mr Rosen, who is also chairman of the Council for World Jewry, which includes the American, French and Russian chapters of the Jewish community.

Sharing the dais with General Musharraf, senior US legislator Tom Lantos, a Hungarian Jew who resisted the Nazis and then narrowly escaped the Holocaust, greeted the Pakistani leader as "a man of vision".

"At a time when the civilised world is engaged in a global war against extremist Islamic terrorism, you have emerged as the quintessential Muslim leader of moderation, decency, reason, and acceptance of pluralism," said the Democratic representative of California.

General Musharraf has spoken out against extremism in the Muslim world. He unveiled his so called "enlightened moderation" doctrine, encouraging Muslims to embrace pluralism, openness and tolerance, at the Organisation of Islamic Conference last year.

The meeting with the Jewish leaders came three days after the Pakistani leader shook hands with Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon when they ran into each other at the UN summit in New York.

The Australian - 08sep05
By Alex Murdoch


PRIME Minister John Howard's proposed tough counter-terrorism laws would not stop extremists, and would drive them underground, Muslim leaders warned today.

Australian Federation of Islamic Councils chief executive officer Amjad Ali Mehboob said the Muslim community was very concerned by the proposed laws, which he felt would unfairly target innocent people.
"They're not going to help prevent any terrorist activities," he said.

"People will simply go underground and do their thing and we don't want that to happen."

The proposals for more security cameras, tougher jail terms for inciting violence, fines for leaving bags unattended at airports, and greater powers for federal police and spy agency ASIO, will be put to State and Territory leaders at a summit next month.

Terror suspects could be electronically tagged and held without charge for up to two weeks, under the proposals, while police and spy agencies would be given more scope to investigate threats.

Mr Mehboob said Islamic authorities and community members must be able to openly practise their religion – not hide it away like a dirty secret.

"We want to make sure that there is no terrorist activity carried out in Australia," he said.

Instead of passing new extreme laws, the Government should instead keep communication lines open with the Islamic community to work together to weed out insurgents, Mr Mehboob said.

The Government should also have discussed the proposed new laws with Muslim leaders, to alleviate their concerns before publicly outlining the plan, he said.

The Muslim community had been under constant scrutiny by the government, authorities and the wider community since the September 11 terrorist attacks in the US, Mr Mehboob said,.

The proposed laws would only inflame an already bad situation, he said.

"The media, the Government, the community at large – anything that happens, the first thing the media does is ... allege that all Muslims are criminals," Mr Mehboob said.

The vast majority of the Australian Muslim community were innocent, law-abiding citizens, he said.

"We have already extended the hand of co-operation with the Government and authorities to work towards ensuring there will be no act of terrorism and violence in Australia," Mr Mehboob said.

Nurul Nazirin and Steven Gan
malaysiakini, Sep 2, 05 12:52pm


When the Acehnese rebels signed the Aug 15 peace accord with the Indonesian government, ending three decades of war, one man should have been at the momentous event in Helsinki, Finland - Malaysia’s Prof P Ramasamy.

Considered a close friend by many top GAM (Free Aceh Movement) leaders, Ramasamy was often consulted for his views in the years leading to the peace negotiations.

The academic was at the first rounds of the talks in January as an observer.

And according to him, this resulted in his controversial sacking by Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia last month.

“Apparently Indonesia protested to Wisma Putra (Malaysia’s Foreign Ministry) about that. Otherwise I don’t see why Malaysia should be concerned about it. I’m not the official advisor of GAM,” he told malaysiakini in a recent interview.

“Of course, GAM came to see me and a lot of other people also came for advice. That did not mean I was their official advisor.”

Elsewhere, Ramasamy’s contribution to bringing peace to Aceh would have been recognised.

“Some people came to me and said, ‘Prof, in some countries you could have been given an award’,” he said.

“I contributed in some meaningful ways (to the peace process). They have a peace agreement now. Malaysia should be happy. At least, we can send home 40,000 Acehnese who are here.”

Instead, his academic contract was abruptly terminated early last month.

Since Ramasamy retired at the age of 56 in March, he was given an unusual month-to-month contract to continue lecturing at the university until 2007.

Ramasamy spent his final day at UKM last Thursday. The shock termination had left many of his students in the lurch, including 12 PhD students who were under his supervision.

Labour rights champion

The political science professor, who had been with the university for a quarter of a century, started out as a campaigner for labour rights. He dedicated his time, when not teaching, to championing the rights of workers in plantations and the Felda scheme.

It was later that he developed an interest in the national liberation struggles around the world, especially the Tamil Tigers who are fighting for independence in northeast Sri Lanka.

In the course of his research, he had visited Tigers’ occupied territories in the northeast and even met with their legendary and shadowy leader, Velupillai Prabakaran.

Until last week, a photo of Ramasamy and Prabakaran sat on his desk in the professor’s office at UKM’s Centre for History, Political Science and Strategic Studies.

Prabakaran was so impressed with Ramasamy that he was the only non-Sri Lankan appointed to sit in the rebels’ Constitutional Affairs Committee to help draft a proposal for an interim administration in Sri Lanka's northeast in 2003.

Not surprisingly, Ramasamy is considered a world-renowned expert on the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).

His interest in another national liberation movement, this time closer to home - the independence struggle of the Acehnese - came much later.

“There were number of Acehnese students at the university who worked with me, and I talked to them, listened to them. I was very sympathetic with their cause.”

He subsequently helped to organise seminars for the students who had fled Aceh when martial law was imposed by Jakarta in 2002.

“We discussed about Aceh, Indonesia, Papua and I would give them information on how they (LTTE) were trying to resolve their problem. It was a fantastic exchange of opinions in a very sterile atmosphere in the university.”

Self-governance in Aceh

He was later introduced to top GAM leaders, some of whom are living in Malaysia, while others were in Sweden, including the rebels' self-styled prime minister and chief negotiator Malik Mahmud (photo, left).

When the peace negotiations - brokered by Finland-based mediator Crisis Management Initiative - were mooted, GAM leaders sought Ramasamy’s opinions, especially given his experience with the peace process in Sri Lanka.

“They (Acehnese) reject the special autonomy offer but they will go for the self-government of Wilayah Aceh. Independence is something integral and essential to them. They have talked about independence for 30 years. It doesn’t matter,” said Ramasamy.

“You can go for a deal with some dignity intact, some international support, and at the same time they are able to control their natural resources, allow for Indonesia to withdraw and also for European Union participation.”

Eventually GAM signed a historic peace deal with Jakarta by dropping its long-held demands for independence, putting an end to a brutal war which claimed 16,000 lives.

Indonesia in turn promised an amnesty for all political prisoners, to allow the creation of local political parties in the province and to withdraw its security forces by the end of the year.

“The university should be proud that I was doing something good,” said Ramasamy.

Instead, he said UKM was unable to accept that an academic can play a bigger role other than teaching.

Malaysiakini,
Sep 2, 05 1:32pm

Malaysiakini: How did you get involved in the Aceh peace process?

Ramasamy: There were a number of Acehnese students at the university who worked with me, and I talked to them, listened to them. I was very sympathetic with their cause. I organised seminars for them during the martial law in Aceh in 2002-2003. We discussed about Aceh, Indonesia, Papua and I would give them information on how they (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam) were trying to resolve their problem. It was a fantastic exchange of opinions in a very sterile atmosphere in the university.

You have argued that the real reason for your abrupt termination was your involvement in the Aceh peace process.

They did not give me any reason. I can only speculate. I have been fighting for labour, criticising the government and university policies and lately the CSMU (Crimea State Medical University). But they (Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia) have not given me any reason (for the termination).

When I talked to somebody here, he said the only reason I was terminated was because I was involved with the Helsinki peace talks. When I got back from the first round of the Helsinki talks, the secretary-general of the Higher Education Ministry called me. I went there and he said Indonesia complained to Wisma Putra that I was a GAM (Free Aceh Movement) advisor in Helsinki.

I told him I went there for an on-going research on the effects of tsunami in both Aceh and Sri Lanka. I went there not purely for the Helsinki talks. I had some other engagements in Helsinki. I was trying to contact some friends who were working on another issue. I showed him (Higher Education Ministry secretary-general) a letter and he replied that he accepted my reasons that I was there as part of my profession. He advised me that next time, I should not go there because this might be misconstrued, that it might affect the relationship between Malaysia and Indonesia. After that I did not go.

So the matter was cleared. The letter was also sent to the vice-chancellor. I had gone to Helsinki on my own accord. I took 10 days leave. What was wrong with that? A lot of people take leave and go overseas to do academic work.

The point is after my retirement when they gave me a month-to-month contract, I already sensed that they were going to terminate me at some point. The question was on what grounds. They were going to get me. I supposed they used the Helsinki talks (as the reason).

Why do you think the government is so concerned with your involvement in Helsinki?

Apparently Indonesia protested to Wisma Putra (Foreign Ministry) about that. Otherwise I don’t see why Malaysia should be concerned about it. I’m not the official advisor of GAM. Of course, GAM came to see me and a lot of other people also came for advice. That did not mean I was their official advisor.

I contributed in some meaningful ways (to the peace process). They have a peace agreement now. Malaysia should be happy. At least, we can send home 40,000 Acehnese who are here. In fact, some people came to me and said, “Prof, in some countries you could have been given an award.”

The university should be proud that I was doing something good. Their mind has the inability to accept that an academic can play a bigger role (other than teaching).

What are the similarities in the struggles of LTTE and GAM?

They are both nationalists. GAM struggles for independence, but of course, now they have renounced independence. The LTTE has never renounced independence. But given the global circumstances, both parties are willing to explore positions that are able to address their concerns.

I think the LTTE is a much more powerful army and they can take on the Sri Lankan army. In the case of GAM, they are not so strong. To me, it’s simple - sometimes you struggle with arms, sometimes you struggle politically.

I am very happy that they (GAM) have reached a peace agreement with Indonesia and hopefully normalcy returns. Aceh has been devastated.

The point is I’m well-recognised in many places. I have a series of seminars in Norway, in universities in Oslo, in Germany. I’m not saying I am very knowledgeable, but I do have an in-depth understanding of the issues involved.

How do you feel about LTTE’s suicide bombers?

In the beginning stages of their conflict, they (LTTE) did not have any weapon. So they had to break the enemy and confuse them. One of the tactics was suicide bombers. They (suicide bombers) had been ingrained that being a martyr was the highest honour. That was the intensity of the struggle that I don’t think GAM has reached.

If GAM is seen as an Islamic movement, its struggle could have been extinguished a long time ago. Theirs is very much a secular struggle - a struggle for rights, for resources, for dignity and the well-being of the Acehnese which have been denied by the Indonesian government. With the LTTE struggle, you have people who have been fighting for more than 20 years.

Now going back to civilian life is a challenge for them because they have been trained to fight and kill, and die. When you go to the northeast of Sri Lanka, the first thing they do is to take you to the martyr’s graveyard and show how these people had sacrificed their lives for the Tamil cause. Women carry arms and they are ferocious fighters in LTTE.

What really struck me is that nobody talks about these things. They only talk about LTTE - the fighting mercenaries, the ruthless fighters, the so-called terrorists and so on but what is interesting is the social transformation of the Tamil society, from a caste society to a society where we have actually to some extent eliminated the gap between men and women.

That is the most striking aspect of the Tamil society. How the war has actually eradicated the caste system and brought to forth the equal status of women. Because of the discrimination of Sinhalese, they can’t go to the universities. The system was so bad that the Tamils were simply non-existent. There was growing numbers of the unemployed and the situation was ripe for an arm struggle.

The Tigers are not that devilish. They are actually very decent people. They won a decent settlement for the people. When you talk to them you become very sympathetic and gravitate towards their cause and see how you can actually be involved in the peace process. I think we should be able to transcend all the narrow values. I think the Acehnese have a lot of respect for me because I think I am the only one who supported them during the darurat (emergency) by organising seminars and all. There is no barrier and in fact they told me “none of our Muslim brothers are supporting us here.”

Recently the anthropology department wanted to organise a seminar on the peace agreement and they invited me. Two days later, they cancelled my invitation. So I told the Acehnese students and one of them was shocked. He told them this was an insult to Prof Rama and this was an insult to the Acehnese. So they cancelled the seminar.

The majority of Acehnese students here came after martial law was imposed in 2002.

Yes. Some of them are doing degrees, mostly post-graduate (degrees). As far as the Indonesia military is concerned, every able Acehnese is a GAM member.

How does the peace process in Aceh compare with the one in Sri Lanka?

They (Acehnese) rejected the special autonomy offer but they will go for the self-governance of Wilayah Aceh. Independence is something integral and essential to them. They have talked about independence for 30 years. It doesn’t matter. You can go for a deal with some dignity intact, some international support, and at the same time they are able to control their natural resources, allow for Indonesia to withdraw and also for European Union participation.

To me there is a lot of positive aspects but also a lot of negative aspects, especially the local election in 2006. Can GAM take control of the situation? Implementing the peace deal is a herculean stuff.

Sri Lanka is much more tensed. They have a cease-fire, and now a low-intensity conflict, the recent murder of (former foreign minister Lakshman) Kadirgamar, they don’t know who was responsible. The Tigers could have done it, others could have done it. They are putting the blame on LTTE. The situation is much more polarised. And India is always playing a dirty game there.

To me, the issue is very simple. I don’t think Sri Lanka has a problem with LTTE. The problem with LTTE has always been with India because India doesn’t want a separate Tamil state. If the Tamils in northeast Sri Lanka get independence, it might influence a similar movement in (India’s) Tamil Nadu.

I think they are trying to find out how they can move forward. Of course, we have the Norwegian mediator in a very difficult situation where a lot of killings are going on. The situation is much tense in Sri Lanka. I wouldn’t be surprised if there is war tomorrow.

Superficially, there is some kind of settlement in Aceh but no settlement in Sri Lanka despite the fact that both areas are badly hit by the tsunami.

It is a very difficult situation and hopefully the low-intensity killings will stop. If not, they could actually lead to a major confrontation. I don’t see how to resolve the conflict there unless the international community decides that there should be a settlement. But India is not very happy with Norway’s involvement.

Any differences between the Sri Lankan and Indonesian governments in dealing with their respective conflicts?

The Sri Lankan government have been sort of checked by LTTE. They outnumbered the LTTE in terms of weapons, but they lost many battles. They know that they cannot go and take over Tamil Eelam. They already accepted that.

In the case of Indonesia, I think the Indonesian army is much more brutal compared to the Sri Lankan army. The Indonesia army is very strong but quite fragile in many ways. The problem with Indonesia is that it is very much centralised. Unless they move in the direction of federalism, the separatist movement is not going to die down.

The Sri Lankan army is actually afraid of the Sri Lankan government. The Sri Lankan army is all paid by the Sri Lankan government. In the case of Indonesia, the government pays only 25 percent of salary to the armed forces. So Aceh for them is ‘rezeki’ (benefits). There are businesses and more after the reformasi in Indonesia, when the army took a beating in East Timor.

How do you see the peace deal in Aceh affecting Malaysia and its Acehnese refugees?

I think Malaysia would benefit from it. There will be a lessening in the burden of the government, especially in terms of refugees. There are about 30,000 to 40,000 refugees. They want to go back. They are not like the Indonesians who come to work here.

Malaysia might have some role in the Aceh monitoring mission. However, after the Semenyih detention camp incident (where a number of Acehnese detainees were killed), the Acehnese do not trust the Malaysian government. The tragedy of Asean, which was clearly seen in East Timor, is their wait-and-see approach. They will never be pro-active. In the case of Burma, there is some. But in the case of Indonesia, Malaysia doesn’t want to interfere.

Apart from closing one eye on the Acehnese refugees, there is no Asean spirit in resolving the Aceh conflict.

So what are your future plans?

I have not really thought about it. Germany is quite interested in me. They wanted me to come for a few months as a guest professor in the University of Kassel. I might go there for a month. Two months is a bit long. I also need to discuss with another local institute which wants to see me next week.

Otherwise, I’m thinking of a more active role in politics. Maybe more towards the oppositional politics. I will continue to do research. I also want to raise issues. I think we need to make more noise in this country. Of course, I would be highlighting labour issues and the underclass in the Indian community.